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Upon
operationally defining Levels
3, 4,
5, and 6, one
encounters difficulty when attempting to demonstrate presence of
behavior associated with these levels by means of a perceptual
readiness test. Much controversy exists over the significance and
reliability of tests of perceptual readiness which seek to
demonstrate the role of motivational factors in perception.
The
initial work of Postman, Bruner, and McGinnies7 open
the door, in a sense, to a flood of discussion over the phenomenon
of perceptual defense and readiness which extended throughout the
decade of the 50’s.
In
the above experiment the authors found that the speed and ease
with which a subject recognized word briefly presented in a
tachistoscope operates as a function of the value areas these
words represent, and of the interest the S’s in the experiment
evinced in these value areas, as measured by the Allport-Vernon
Study of Values. The latter tests for the relative dominance,
within an individual, of the Spranger classification of religious,
aesthetic, political, social, theoretical,
and economic interests.
The
experiment found that the greater the dominance of a value in the
person, the more rapidly he would recognize words representing
that area. Similarly, when presented with low-value words, the
subject seemed to demonstrate some form of defensive avoidance.
With high-value words, moreover, the subjects tended, in excess of
chance, to propose guesses that were in the value area of the
stimulus word prior to correct recognition. This observation was
upheld by a subsequent finding of Bricker and Chapanis8
that subjects can obtain partial information from words below
threshold.
Later
work by Bruner and Postman9, and by McGinnies10
indicated
the presence of a perceptual blocking or raising of thresholds for
“taboo” words or those which were personally threatening.
These findings led to the concept of “perceptual
defensive” - - a
kind of blocking of recognition for certain classes of materials
personally and/or culturally unacceptable to the perceiver.
In
opposition to this “motivational hypothesis” arose the
“frequency hypothesis.” Solomon and Howes11
presented findings that the effect of values on perception could
be accounted for by the factor of frequency: that a person
interested, for example, in religion, is more likely to have
selective exposure to religious words. Howes then showed that the
amount of time required to recognize a word could be expressed as
a function of the log of the frequency with which the word
appeared in the printed English language.12
However,
this finding does not account for the observation that certain
Individuals who are high, for example, in theoretical interests,
recognize theoretical words more quickly than those words more
frequently encountered in the printed language. Postman and
Schneider showed that, for very common words drawn from the 6
value areas of the Allport-Vernon Test, the relative position of
the values for the subject made little difference. However, among
the rarer words, the subject tended to recognize the more valued
ones more easily.13
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